• Mind What You Watch: Television in China (Aug 2004)

  • Shanghai Waigaoqiao's New Bonded Logistics Zone (Aug 2004)

  • Racing Ahead: China's Auto Industry (July 2004)

  • Emissions Trading in China: An Overview (July 2004)

  • A Nation of Homeowners (July 2004)

  • Advertising: A Risky Business (June 2004)

  • Banking on Foreign Investment: Recent Developments (Mar/Apr 2004)


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    SPECIAL FOCUS: Mind What You Watch: Television in China
     
     

    The top priority of China's television industry has been to communicate the policies of the Communist Party, and to educate and inform audiences under a tight censorship regime. Entertainment is a fairly new objective and one that is slightly incongruous to the other aims of the central government. The Chinese media are State-dominated. But in the past year, possibly under legal upheaval brought about by the WTO, the State Administration for Radio Film & Television (SARFT) has lifted some of its restrictions on film and television production. This move has exposed 1.2 billion viewers or 20 percent of the world's TV audience to the possibility of more deregulation in programming content. However, Chinese TV programming is subject to a number of obstacles, not least, an effective censorship system, entrenched conservatism, lack of funding, and intellectual property concerns. This month, China Corporate Compliance will explore some of these challenges facing the industry.

    Nothing on TV

    According to 2002 estimates, nearly 95 percent of the population had access to a TV and actual ownership of a TV set was around 350 million. Reportedly, viewers watched an average of 2.5 hours of television a day, with the time varying among different age groups and locations.

    China has an estimated total of 3,240 broadcasting stations countrywide; around 3,000 of them are local city stations and 31 are provincial. However, China Central Television ("CCTV") largely dominates Chinese television programming with 13 nationwide channels and 209 broadcasting stations. All local stations are required to air CCTV's daily 7pm news broadcast, which, according to an internal CCTV survey is regularly watched by a national audience of 500 million people. The only other station allowed to broadcast nationally is Shanghai's Dragon TV.

    TV landscape

    The use of a satellite receiver is restricted in China except for three-star and luxury hotels, approved foreign housing compounds and remote areas that cannot receive broadcasts from their local station. Since 2001, SARFT has approved limited landing rights for around 31 foreign satellite TV channels, most of which air only in Guangdong province. In July the government ordered a crackdown on illegal satellite usage, which is a widespread problem especially in Guangdong and Shanghai.

    Going digital...slowly

    Currently, the cable industry is aiming to register 30 million digital TV subscribers by 2005. At present, there are only about 201,000 subscribers due to a severe shortage of attractive programming content. The non-digital cable audience, however, had around 100 million viewers by early 2003. An official at SARFT reported that the current established cable network is able to transmit 40 to 50 channels, whereas digital TV can allow for up to 100 times the current level. However, because the subscription fees are higher for digital TV, there are fewer subscribers.

     
    Regulatory forces

    In 1998, the Chinese government planned to combine the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) and the Ministry of Radio, Film and Television (MRFT) to create the Ministry of Information Industry (MII). However, the MRFT, supported by the Ministry of Propaganda, lobbied successfully to retain an agency that would screen content for political and cultural acceptability. Thus, a separate agency was formed, the State Administration of Radio, Film and TV (SARFT) distinct from the MII. Now, these two agencies along with the Ministry of Culture compete over the management and regulation of the media industry.

     
    Terrestrial viewing rules

    Existing terrestrial TV services reach about 95 percent of the country, however, SARFT plans to end analog broadcasts by 2015 and replace them with digital TV. TV stations are also switching from analog to digital networks, but without much success. Since switching to digital cable in 2002, Shanghai Cable has only attracted an estimated 10,000 customers. Shanghai Jiao Tong University and Beijing Tsinghua University are working to develop China's own digital broadcasting system in order to improve China's access to the technology.

     
    Aspirations for Pay TV

    Shanghai and Beijing media groups have been encouraged to develop Pay TV channels in order to reduce their dependence on advertising revenue. However, the government's desire to control content is likely hold back subscriber growth, with the number of pay TV subscribers forecast to be only around 800,000 by next year.

     
    What do you watch?

    Although CCTV dominates broadcasting, it is the city-based broadcasters like Shanghai Television (STV) and Beijing Television (BTV) that the public enjoys the most. In Shanghai last year the top 10 ratings went to STV and in Beijing the top nine went to BTV with CCTV's weather channel coming in tenth.

    Even so, most local residents complain about the lack of programming choice on cable networks. "The only thing that has really changed over the past decade is the addition of new programs that target the teenage audience. The children's shows and adult drama and entertainment have remained virtually the same," says one local Beijing viewer.

    "All my channels have the same soap operas on at the same time. If I have 40 channels, at least half of them will be showing the same show, just a different season," says another.

     
    Dream on

    Although this craving for new content seems to portend a bright future for producers, recent developments have turned the market into a complex maze. President Hu Jintao recently commenced a campaign to clean up program content and has denounced many of the traditionally popular shows, including crime dramas and romantic soap operas.

    The campaign is meant to protect China's young people from being exposed to questionable Western ideas and behavior. As a consequence, dramas have been taken off prime-time slots and shows about online games have been banned altogether. TV presenters have been ordered to refrain from using colloquial language and not to mimic foreign TV presenters in their choice of casual dress.

    Shows about family life and talk shows about ethics, science and social responsibility are taking over the prime time slots, much to the chagrin of viewers. As one viewer puts it: "Most channels just offer the same content as CCTV, and the regulations say that at prime time, they must show Chinese produced dramas so the foreign programming doesn't start until 10pm or later."

     
    Tough business

    As illustrated by the viewer's complaints, regulatory forces have maintained strict control over the market, not only restricting foreign investment, but also setting draconian rules regarding content that do much to stifle the creativity of producers. With the limits on development, the industry is in dire need of new funds and creative solutions. Some change is expected, as suggested by the Opinion of the State Administration of Radio, Film and Television on Promoting Development of the Radio, Film and Television Industry, released in February 2004, which among other things, acknowledged that foreign investment in the industry would be permitted.

     
    SARFT's new opinion

    According to the SARFT opinion, foreign companies are permitted to establish joint ventures with Chinese film and TV program production companies. However, the Chinese side must hold more than 51 percent of the equity in the joint venture. Despite the restriction on foreign equity, the opinion does mark a major step forward from the previous regulations, which permitted foreign and Chinese companies to work together on film and TV program production projects, but did not permit joint ventures.

    The requirements for a joint venture are stringent though, and SARFT will only permit proposals where the foreign side is a global media player and the Chinese side is a stateowned company. Any types of programming can be produced by these joint ventures apart from news and propaganda programs.

     
    Foreign pioneers

    In addition to addressing joint ventures on TV programming, the opinion also addresses developing motion pictures in China, the development of TV pay channels, cable and satellite TV programming. In March 2004, Viacom, Inc. announced that it would form a TV production company with Shanghai Media Group ("SMG") to engage in co-production activities. Alongside this announcement, Sony Pictures Entertainment countered that it was exploring the possibility of setting up a production joint venture in China. Sony has been linked with Beijing Media Group, SMG and CCTV.

    The conflict the government faces between maintaining censorship while also promoting development in the media has led to the formulation of vague and sometimes contradictory regulations. SARFT has revised and issued a series of new regulations governing different aspects of the TV and film industry, from the approval of scripts and editing, to co-production and screening rights. However, foreign commentators complain that only the regulators themselves know exactly how the regulations are to be applied.

     
    Piracy problems

    In addition to vague regulations and investment restrictions, foreign broadcasters must also face another hurdle: piracy.

    No matter how bright the future may seem for foreign participation in Chinese programming, the problem of piracy in the media industry is rampant. Even CCTV is suspected of blatantly playing music without paying royalties to the copyright holders. Some industry executives predict that the total lost royalty payments could amount to hundreds of millions of RMB. However, because of CCTV's influence, aggrieved copyright holders have been reluctant to raise the issue with the network.

     
    Alternative to TV

    However, some would argue that piracy of foreign programming is only natural in a country where imported programming is restricted to 25 percent of total viewing. Until more up-todate foreign films and programs are shown on television, pirated DVDs will remain popular. "Well, I can get most anything I want on DVD now. So if I can't find something I like on television, I can always go around the corner and buy a movie of my choice for only 8 RMB," says a Beijing local.

    So despite the efforts of China's media regulators to control the influx of foreign programming, the pirates are doing an effective job in building a market for commercial programming. If the interests of the regulators and foreign media can align more closely, it may result in a better deal for the viewer. A common goal for media regulators and broadcasters should be to attract larger audiences to watch legitimate content, however, China has some way to go before it can give TV viewers what they really want.

     
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    SHANGHAI WAIGAOQIAO'S NEW BONDED LOGISTICS ZONE
     

      By Danian Zhang, Baker & McKenzie

    To foreign investors, the Waigaoqiao Bonded Zone (the "WBZ") in Pudong, Shanghai, is perhaps the best known of the 15 bonded zones in China. Bonded zones were first established in China in the 1990s at a period when the country was heavily geared towards the export market. Consequently, the functions of bonded zones have traditionally been international trade, warehousing and export processing trade. Foreign investors were attracted to zones such as the WBZ by preferential tax policies and various exemptions from customs duty and VAT. Bonded zones are technically considered to be outside the PRC for customs purposes, allowing for deferral of payments of customs duty and import VAT until goods are shipped into "China Proper".

    Foreign investors have had a strong incentive for setting up wholly foreign owned operations in the WBZ since the establishment of such trading and distribution companies in the WBZ allowed them to engage in international trade and certain trading activities in China Proper. While technically such companies should have only traded within the zones or carried on international trade, in practice authorities facilitated them to trade outside the zones with entities in China Proper.

    Diminishing appeal

    The appeal of these two key attractions of bonded zones - the preferential tax policies and the establishment of a WBZ company for trading and distribution purposes - is likely to diminish in the near future due to developments in connection with China's entry to the World Trade Organization ("WTO").

    WTO entry has already resulted in lower tariff rates, which means that the advantage of traditional forms of bonded zone whereby it is possible to improve cash flow by deferring tax payments willbe lessened. In addition, new domestic legislation - the Measures for the Administration of Foreign Investment in the Commercial Sector (the "Measures") - effective from June 1, 2004, could also diminish the other key attraction of setting up in the WBZ for the purposes of trading in China Proper. These new Measures put in place a new legal framework for foreign investment in distribution services, and essentially permit wholesale and retail activities to be carried out by authorized companies after December 11, 2004 (or effective now for wholesale and retail companies that qualify under CEPA). Many companies currently carrying on trading from within the zones are likely to be attracted by the possibilities presented by the new Measures and the option of engaging in direct trading and distribution activities on a firmer legal basis.

    New logistics

    The Shanghai government (with support at central level) has responded to these and other issues with the creation of a new Shanghai Waigaoqiao Bonded Logistics Zone (the "New Zone") as part of a wider policy to promote Shanghai as an international logistics and maritime center. To this end the policy stresses the need to properly integrate the WBZ with neighboring ports. This should overcome another shortcoming of the WBZ; although situated close to a port, international shipping and logistics companies have previously encountered bureaucratic and administrative obstructions to fully utilizing the WBZ due to the port and the zone being subject to different authorities.

    Legislative basis

    The New Zone was approved by the State Council on December 8, 2003 with the issue of the Reply of the Office of the State Council Concerning the Shanghai Waigaoqiao Bonded Zone and Waigaoqiao Port Pilot Project. The Reply sets out the State Council's consent to the New Zone on a trial basis and emphasizes the utilization of both the WBZ and the port. Other key regulations are Opinions on the New Zone issued by various Shanghai governmental authorities on April 8, 2004 (the "Opinions"), which essentially serve as implementing rules for the New Zone, and also an Announcement issued by the General Administration of Customs on April 12, 2004. The Announcement reiterates key tax policies to the effect that the New Zone will enjoy policies applicable to traditional bonded zones and also VAT export refund policies (see below) traditionally only available in certain other types of zone.

    Permissible activities within the zone

    The main activities permitted within the zone are warehousing and logistics, though some types of limited trading activity and other support services are also included. The Shanghai government encourages multinational companies to use the New Zone as a regional procurement and distribution center, supplying goods to overseas markets, regional markets and the PRC. The New Zone may serve as a hub for international transportation and international sourcing (i.e. the sorting and simple processing of goods sourced domestically and abroad for sale to domestic and overseas destinations), as well as entrepot trade. In terms of trade, domestic companies registered in the New Zone are granted import and export rights. They may also provide support services such as transportation.

    Export tax refund

    As well as implementing the existing policies available to traditional bonded zones, the New Zone will offer other advantages including the following.

    Perhaps one of the major attractions of the New Zone is the right for the exporters to applyfor a VAT refund immediately upon goods being exported to the New Zone from China Proper. This is likely to be a strong incentive for foreign investors. In the past, particularly in relation to processing trade arrangements, in order to obtain the VAT refund or other incentives, some companies in the PRC have exported goods to overseas destinations such as Hong Kong or Japan, and then re-imported them the next day. This would add to logistics costs as such companies usually used airfreight, and would also add to turnaround time. Now, however, the export tax refund will be available as soon as goods are exported into the New Zone. When re-importing goods from the New Zone, import duty and VAT are paid as if importing such goods from overseas.

    Preferential tax and duty policies

    In addition to the export refund eligibility, another advantage of the New Zone is that free trade within the zone, or between the zone and overseas is not subject to turnover tax or customs duty, or import and export licensing requirements.

    Transshipment activities possible

    The New Zone has set aside areas for use by shipping companies as container yards for transshipment. Previously, due to policy restrictions, investors were deterred from carrying out transshipment activities in the WBZ. The restrictions do not apply to the New Zone.

    The New Zone also streamlines customs formalities and quarantine requirements. Details are set out in the Opinions.

    After-delivery clearance

    Another benefit of the New Zone is that after-delivery clearance will be possible (subject to customs verification) and will apply to imported goods, and to goods transferred among bonded zones, export processing zones and the New Zone. After-delivery clearance is a customs practice whereby companies are allowed to carry out their import customs declaration on a batch basis after deliveries have been made. In the past, it was available to certain bonded warehouse operators for repair services and to some Waigaoqiao bonded zone companies, particularly foreign-invested distribution companies. After-delivery clearance is usually carried out on a monthly basis and allows for quick preliminary processing by customs and then goods can be transferred to destinations in China Proper without first having to fully clear customs. A bond must be posted to customs that is equivalent to potential customs duty and VAT liabilities.

    Who benefits?

    Clearly the New Zone should benefit shipping and logistics companies, who will be able to use it as a hub for container consolidation and re-distribution. Such entities will be required to establish a new company within the New Zone, presumably subject to approval from the Waigaoqiao authorities. Manufacturing and other companies will have an option to use the New Zone as a regional procurement / distribution center, or center for export and re-import arrangements.

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    SPECIAL FOCUS: Racing Ahead: China's Auto Industry

     
     

    When the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China drafted its 10th Five-Year Plan (2001ˇV2005) for national economic and social development, it included the well-meaning goal "to encourage common families to buy automobiles." It is estimated that China now has 10 million vehicles, and in 2003 motor vehicle production reached 4.2 million units, making the country the fourth largest auto manufacturer in the world. In the capital Beijing, there are an estimated 2 million privately owned vehicles and the number is expected to increase to 3.8 million by 2008. Add to the mix another 9 million bicycles and you have a rush hour that lasts 11 hours a day in certain areas of Beijing.

    So in which direction is Chinas auto industry headed? The State Development and Reform Commission recently issued a new Automotive Policy (see article: China's New Automotive Policy), which sets out the aspirations of the country's central planners. This month, China Corporate Compliance explores the recent developments in the Chinese auto industry, and in this article, we look at some of the trials and tribulations of car owners in China.

     
    Car crazy

    Fuelled by the recent increase in car ownership, China's car market has grown to be the worldˇ¦s third largest after Japan and the United States. But beneath this growth, there is also the concern that gridlock and overcapacity may just be around the corner.

    Reportedly, car sales in China grew by 75 percent in 2003 but with average per capita disposable income in urban areas reaching an estimated US$1,100, car companies are working with imperfect data as they develop their business forecasts. "It's quite common for a family to share a car and the costs of maintaining it," says one China-based executive. "A typical extended family with three or four wage earners would have no trouble maintaining a vehicle on the road," she adds.

    Survival of the fittest

    Since joining the World Trade Organization, car imports increased by 68 percent during 2003, and by 34 percent in the first quarter of 2004. Although the profit margins on car sales in China are generally larger, competition has been driving prices down by as much as 20 percent. Consumers are becoming more wary before they buy and are eagerly awaiting further price cuts.

     

    To accommodate this growing demand and to spur economic development, China wants to develop a domestically and internationally competitive industry by 2010. This has created an environment for mergers and acquisitions within the industry, with foreign-invested joint ventures as well as amalgamations among Chinese firms. Established Chinese auto companies have begun to specialize in the production of components or other aspects of the vehicle supply chain.

     

    Like their counterparts abroad, Chinese automakers are facing the challenge of having to standardize business processes and technology in order to increase cost competitiveness.

    Traffic congestion

    The influx of cars over the past couple of years has been hard for China's cities to handle. Traffic is bad in Shanghai, but in Beijing it is even worse. In 2003, Beijing recorded 16,000 traffic jams although officials are not precise about the criteria used to compile such statistics.

     

    However, each city seems to have a different approach to tackling congestion. The Shanghai authorities have experimented with restricting car use by limiting the number of license plates it issues. One report suggests that in a recent Shanghai auction, a blue license plate (specifically for Chinese citizens) went for the equivalent of US$4,000. According to one Beijing driver, a license plate in his city costs US$36. Shanghai intends to continue to lead the way in beating the gridlock and its city planners are studying the viability of electronic road pricing.

    Learner drivers

    Although air quality in China's urban areas has suffered as a result of the growing number of vehicles on the road, maintaining road safety is also a major challenge. Official statistics suggest that there were over 90,000 traffic fatalities in China in 2003, while over 400,000 people were seriously injured.

    "The Beijing roads are a virtual training ground for new drivers," says the driver, who has ten years' experience. "The driving schools do not familiarize students with driving on real roads outside the practice areas, so they cannot handle real traffic conditions," he complains.

    Despite recent moves to better regulate driving schools, according to one Shenzhen resident, he attended three lessons at a local driving school before taking and passing his driving test. "Officials who administer the driving tests are easily bribed and will issue driver's licenses even if the applicant is not fully qualified," says the Beijing driver.

    Getting a set of wheels

    Undeterred motorists in Beijing will frequent the local car markets to purchase cars, China's equivalent to a large showroom. The car markets offer hundreds of different models. These markets give first time buyers a lot of choice and opportunities to compare models. "I like the local markets because you can compare and contrast. If I see a car that I like I'll go to the dealership afterward and compare prices to get the best deal," says a local Beijing resident.

    Both markets and dealerships offer a one-stop shop for car financing and insurance packages as well as a registration service. The prices are fairly competitive and will include assisting the buyer through the vehicle registration maze.

    Imported or home made?

    The cost of the same vehicle can be very different depending on whether it is an imported vehicle or one that has been manufactured in China. For example, a General Motors' dealership in China cannot sell both imported and China-made models, and foreign automakers have sometimes had to establish very separate distribution channels for imported vehicles and those made by their China joint ventures.

    Shop around

    In some cities, the vehicle registration process can be unnecessarily complicated requiring a visit to several government departments. Typically in Beijing, in addition to paying a government surcharge of 8 percent for local cars and 10 percent for imported cars, fees are levied for the license itself, for ID photos and a road maintenance fee.

    Before a license is issued, the registration authorities require proof that there is valid insurance coverage. As in many other countries, all automobile owners in China are required to purchase mandatory, "Third Party Liability" insurance. Insurance policies can be purchased from an independent insurance company or through the car dealership. However, according a lawyer in Beijing: "The dealer's designated insurance company's policies are usually more expensive because they have to factor in the dealer's commission."

    According to one executive, a standard insurance package for a SUV through a dealership costs around RMB5,500 a year, whereas standard coverage from a variety of independent local insurers ranges from around RMB3,600 to RMB5,380 a year.

    Need some cash?

    Apart from the auto financing offered via the dealerships and car markets, banks are also major lenders. The new Automotive Policy encourages consumers to take out loans and provides that the vehicles can be used as collateral for the loan. New auto financing rules also permit foreign investors to establish non-bank financial institutions to offer auto financing. Reports suggest that several foreign auto firms are in the process of setting up their car financing operations.

    Banks and auto financing companies can normally pay up to 30 to 40 percent of the down payment with a maximum payback period of 4 to 5 years. "It's mostly young people who are getting loans nowadays. It's a really Western idea and us older Chinese are used to paying with cash," says the driver.

    But, according to the Beijing lawyer China has not yet established a reliable credit rating system, so lending money is a risky business. He refers to cases where applicants have borrowed money to purchase a vehicle and then sold the car again before they have paid back the loan. In this case, the bank was left with a defaulting borrower and no collateral.

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    EMISSIONS TRADING IN CHINA: AN OVERVIEW

     
     

    China's economic development is without question progressing at breakneck speed. Unfortunately, China's focus on GDP growth has resulted in the pollution and consumption of natural resources at an exponential rate, with emissions of carbon dioxide (CO2) second only to the United States.

    This burden on the environment does more than impact air and water quality. It translates into substantial costs to the economy, both in terms of physical assets and human productivity. China's State Environmental Protection Administration ("SEPA") calculated that acid rain alone, a product of China's coal-fuelled power plants, costs US$13 billion annually to the country's agriculture, buildings, and public health. Overall, it is estimated that pollution costs China US$71-168 billion per year, or 5 to 12 percent of China's GDP. China intends to maintain its recent levels of economic growth well into the twenty-first century; however, given its current inefficiency, pollution will only continue to worsen over time. Acknowledging this pending crisis, the Chinese government has taken a renewed interest in emissions control.

    Government targets polluters

    Currently, China lacks adequate technology and research funding required to pursue a clean energy policy. Though the Chinese government intends to implement energy alternatives such as gas and nuclear power, the most optimistic projections predict that coal will continue to provide the majority of China's energy supply for at least another two decades. Given these options, the Chinese government will intensify its efforts of targeting industries to reduce emissions of pollutants such as carbon dioxide (CO2) and sulfur dioxide (SO2), even while it increases the number of coal burning power plants to meet the pressing energy demand.

    The grand plan

    In its 10th Five-Year Plan (2001-2005), China increased environmental spending to US$84.6 billion, or 1.3 percent of GDP, up from 0.8 percent in the early 1990s. Moreover it increased its emission reduction targets and strengthened existing ones. For instance, the "two-control zone" issued in 1998 designed to decrease sulfur dioxide by stabilizing emissions in ten years was changed to reducing emissions by 20 percent in five years. Aside from setting general emissions reduction targets, China's main focus is on employing a "cap and trade" system to counter pollution.

    "Cap and Trade"

    The "cap and trade" system integrates an emissions cap, or quota set by the government, with a timetable for lowering the quota. The government then distributes permits to various enterprises indicating their quota. If a polluter has not used up its quota of emissions, it can sell the quota to those whose emissions output have exceeded their quota, effectively creating a market for greenhouse gases. This method, highlighted in the 1997 Kyoto Protocol as the primary legal instrument for reducing greenhouse gas emissions, is considered the most relevant system for Chinese state planning principles - it sets periodic targets and its permit system allows for regular governmental review. "Cap and trade," unlike other emissions control schemes such as taxing, uses a gradual time-scale for emissions reduction and provides a profit incentive to achieve results.

    Traders and polluters

    Currently, China operates a licensing system based on the total emission of sulfur dioxide, as well as sulfur dioxide trading. Enterprises that discharge pollutants without a permit, or who exceed their quotas are subject to severe penalties. Licensed polluters are monitored via an online system called the CEMS System, where all relevant data is transmitted to each local environmental protection department, and ultimately sent to the SEPA. The first local emission trade in China was completed by "Nantong Tian Sheng Gang Power Generation Company" and "Nantong Acetate Fiber Company" in 2001, and the first sulfur dioxide trading agreement between power plants came into effect in July 2003 between the Taicang Port Huanbao Power Co. Ltd, and the Nanjing Xiaguan Power Plant.

    Although the volume of greenhouse gas trading remains relatively small, its market has doubled annually since 2001. The International Energy Agency ("IEA") predicts that if China continues to expand "cap and trade" programs it will cover 40 percent of total emissions trading in the world, with emission projects worth US$ 1.1 billion by 2010.

    SEPA lacks teeth

    As with other governmental regulations in China, enforcement proves to be difficult. According to a representative at the United Nations Environmental Program ("UNEP"), the SEPA still lacks authority and sufficient funds to carry out its work successfully, often giving way to local priorities such as job preservation and economic growth. Another problem is incentive. SEPA officials have indicated that unless the cost of de-sulfur facilities is covered by the price of electricity, power plants will not have enough financial incentive to purchase emission quotas, nor would they be able to emit less sulfur than the quota to save for trading purposes.

    Inflicting penalties

    Still, other senior officials at the SEPA have recently stated that ongoing legislation will allow the SEPA to inflict harsher penalties, including the shutting down of illegal polluters. In addition, despite problems with license allocation, local governments have progressively participated in emission trading programs. Already, emissions trading pilot schemes have been set up in four provinces - Henan, Shandong, Shaanxi, Jiangsu and three municipalities - Shanghai, Tianjin, and Liuzhou.

    Outlook

    The Chinese government faces the double task of implementing effective emissions control while sustaining its economic growth. To reduce pollution with emissions trading, it must strengthen its enforcement mechanisms while providing a straightforward and mandatory system to follow. Despite these challenges, it is clear that the Chinese government's future outlook includes tougher emission standards, a factor to be taken into consideration for polluting enterprises. China has in the past few years taken more initiatives to control emissions than even some developed countries, and they will undoubtedly continue to do so.

     

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    A NATION OF HOMEOWNERS

     
     

    In recent years, China's real estate boom has been fuelled partly by speculation but more by ordinary homeowners wanting to secure a roof over their heads. In China today, there are significant numbers of "white collar" workers and prosperous self-employed who are becoming homeowners for the first time. This trend is markedly different from the previous generation who relied on the state to provide housing from "the cradle to the grave". The surge in residential property sales has provided a new impetus for consumer spending and opportunities for bank lending.

     

    China Corporate Compliance spoke to one new homeowner about purchasing a home in Guangzhou.

    CCC

    What are the most popular types of residential properties in Guangzhou?

    Ms. Qin

    Residential buildings featuring new and modern designs are very popular, and any property with a view of the Zhujiang River is highly sought after. The size of a unit ranges from 80-100 square meters and prices range from RMB6,000-8,000 per square meter.

    Local residents prefer to live in the older Guangzhou districts such as Dongshan, Yuexiu and Liwan, where many good primary and secondary schools are located. Tianhe district is also popular among white-collar workers, university students and expatriates because it is convenient to all the amenities.

    CCC

    What do you look for in a developer?

    Ms. Qin

    It's better to choose a top developer. They will normally provide better quality and should be financially sound. I don't want to fall victim to a failed construction project due to insufficient funds or some other reason. In recent years, the government has introduced regulations to protect homebuyers and require developers to conduct pre-sales only after the building is almost completed. Compared to foreign-invested developers, local developers provide greater choice to buyers by offering decorated or non-decorated units. The non-decorated units () are generally cheaper by around RMB400-500 per square meter.

    CCC

    Where can potential buyers obtain apartment listings?

    Ms. Qin

    Developers usually advertise new developments in different newspapers or on the metro or other forms of public transport. The Guangzhou Daily has a section on real estate information most days of the week. For re-sales, you have to go through a property agent or obtain information from newspaper adverts. The standard rate of commission for property agents is 6 percent of the property price. Payment of the commission is shared equally between the buyer and seller, and sometimes the amount is negotiable.

    CCC

    Is it popular to buy residential property for investment purposes?

    Ms. Qin

    People from Hong Kong like buying property in Guangzhou for re-sale or for leasing, whereas local people buy to occupy. This is because both new and secondary housing is plentiful in Guangzhou and it's very difficult to make a profit on one's investment. The supply is currently outstripping demand.

    CCC

    Where can buyers apply for financing?

    Ms. Qin

    There are five banks in Guangzhou that offer home mortgage plans; the China Construction Bank, Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, Bank of China, Agricultural Bank of China, and Bank of Communications. However, developers usually designate which bank will handle the home loan applications for their new developments. So buyers of new developments do not really have a choice of mortgage providers. In addition, buyers can only submit their mortgage application to a specific branch of the authorized bank, and not just any branch, which is quite inconvenient.

    CCC

    What is the maximum home loan amount and what are the repayment terms?

    Ms. Qin

    The maximum home loan is around 70-80 percent of the property price, and in most cases, banks will grant 70 percent. The maximum repayment period is 30 years and the minimum is one year. Normally, the repayment period and loan amount will depend on the monthly income of the applicant. The applicant's monthly salary should be at least 3 times the amount of the monthly loan repayment. Generally, the buyer has to pay the developer 30 percent of the property price as a down payment within 10 days of the transaction date. If the buyer has sufficient funds, he can choose to pay the sum in one single payment, which is not uncommon in Guangzhou. The developer usually offers a 3 percent discount on the property price to cash buyers. If the buyer does not have sufficient money to pay the down payment, he can consider using the housing fund.

    CCC

    What is a housing fund and how does it help?

    Ms. Qin

    The housing fund is a mandatory, non-tax deductible contribution required by the State. Both employer and employee must contribute to the fund each month. For an employee in Guangzhou, the housing fund contribution rate is 8-20 percent of his/her monthly salary and there is no ceiling amount. An employee may draw balances from his housing fund account for use in the following areas:

    (i) buying, building and renovating properties as an owner-occupier;

    (ii) repayment of interest on a housing loan; and

    (iii) renting an apartment for one's own occupation.

    In certain circumstances an employee may close his housing fund account and cash the balance, for example, if he/she is unemployed for more than a year and over a certain age, emigrates overseas or moves to another province, etc.

    An employee can also apply for a housing loan from the Housing Fund Management Center at a preferential interest rate (3-3.375 percent) to pay for their mortgage. The interest rate is around 1-1.2 percent lower than that offered by the banks. To be eligible to apply, the employee should have a stable income, be able to repay and have contributed to the housing fund for more than 6 months at the time of the loan application. The maximum amount that can be provided to an individual is RMB250,000. For a couple or a family, the maximum amount is RMB500,000.

    CCC

    What are the documents required for a housing loan application?

    Ms. Qin

    The applicant must submit the following documents to the bank providing the mortgage for onward submission to the Housing Fund Management Center:

    (i) resident identification card;

    (ii) property sale and purchase agreement and receipts of down payment;

    (iii) proof of income;

    (iv) savings account book for repayment of the mortgage loan;

    (v) proof of Housing Fund contributions; and

    (vi) any other documents or information required by the bank.

    CCC

    What happens if an employee loses his job and canˇ¦t continue to pay the mortgage loan?

    Ms. Qin

    The government does not provide subsidies for monthly loan repayments. However, the unemployed person can apply to the bank for an extension on the mortgage repayment period. If the person still cannot make the loan repayments, he may need to sell his property or the bank may repossess his property for auction.

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    ADVERTISING: A RISKY BUSINESS
     

     

    China has promulgated a relatively large number of, often overlapping, laws, regulations and rules for the control of advertising activities. Violations can give rise to administrative, civil and even criminal liability. How does the advertiser minimize these risks? This article provides foreign companies who advertise in China with a brief overview of the kinds of liability that can result from different types of advertising violations.

    Liability of advertising agencies and publishers

    A remarkable feature of Chinese advertising law is the extent to which advertising agencies and advertisement publishers can be held liable for noncompliant advertising. Both agencies and media are required to check supporting documents submitted by advertisers to ensure the contents of the advertisements they create or publish are accurate, otherwise they may incur administrative, civil and criminal liability in many of the same situations in which advertisers themselves can incur such liability.

    Who's in charge?

    The State Administration for Industry and Commerce ("SAIC") and the local administrations for industry and commerce ("AICs") have the primary responsibility for monitoring and regulating advertising activities, regardless of the media used.

    In addition to the SAIC and the AICs, the authorities in charge of the various types of media oversee advertising in the media under their supervision. The State Administration of Radio, Film and Television ("SARFT") is responsible for regulating radio and television and is involved in the supervision of radio and TV advertising. The General Administration of Press and Publishing ("GAPP") regulates press and publishing activities and oversees advertising in newspapers and other publications. The Ministry of Information Industry ("MII") oversees telecommunications and the IT industry, and shares responsibility with the GAPP for oversight of online publishing activities.

    Administrative penalties

    Under China's Advertising Law of the People's Republic of China (the "Advertising Law"), Regulations on the Administration of Advertising ("Advertising Regulations") and Detailed Rules for Implementation of the Regulations on the Administration of Advertising (the "Implementing Regulations"), the AICs are authorized to impose various types of penalties for violations of China's advertising rules. Penalties range from fines, cease and desist orders, and public corrections and rectifications, to cessation of advertising operations and confiscation of illegal income.

    The maximum fine that may be imposed by AICs under the Advertising Law is five times the amount of relevant "advertising expenses" (see table: Fines under the Advertising Law). When the fine is imposed on the advertiser (as opposed to the advertising agency or the media company), the "advertising expenses" refer to the total payments such as the advertisement design, production, agency and media costs, which the advertiser has directly incurred.* Fines of up to RMB100,000 may be imposed if the advertiser provides false supporting documents or forges or alters a written decision made upon examination of an advertisement (see table: Fines under the Advertising Law).

    Fines imposed by AICs pursuant to the Advertising Regulations and the Implementing Rules are generally limited to RMB10,000, though fines of up to RMB30,000 may be imposed when an advertiser uses advertising to deceive and defraud a user or consumer.

    Additionally, AICs are authorized to impose fines of between RMB10,000 and RMB200,000 pursuant to the Law of the People's Republic of China Against Unfair Competition (the "Unfair Competition Law") when businesses create misleadingly false publicity. The amount of the fine will vary depending on how serious the offense.


    * Notice of the State Administration for Industry and Commerce on How to Ascertain the Amount of Advertisement Expenses When Investigating and Dealing with Cases of Illegal Advertising, issued by the State Administration for Industry and Commerce on July 7, 1995.


    Fines under the Advertising Law
    Violation Fines

    Use of advertising to create false publicity.

    Not more than 5 x the amount of advertising expenses.

    Publication of advertising that

    • uses China's national flag, national emblem or national anthem
    • uses the names of state authorities or personnel thereof
    • uses terms such as "state-level," "top-level" and "the best"
    • jeopardizes public safety, endangers personal safety or the safety of property or harms the public interest
    • obstructs public order or goes against good customs of society
    • has obscene, superstitious, frightening, violent or repulsive contents
    • is discriminatory with respect to ethnic group, race, religion or sex
    • obstructs protection of the environment and natural resources or
    • is otherwise prohibited by laws and administrative regulations.

    Not more than 5 x the amount of advertising expenses.

    Publication of advertising that contains certain types of statements or inferences that are not clear and specific.

    Not more than 5 x the amount of advertising expenses.

    Publication of advertising that indicates gifts will accompany the goods or services advertised but failing to specify the types and quantities of such gifts.

    Not more than 5 x the amount of advertising expenses.

    Publication of advertising with data, statistical information survey results, digests and quotations that are not truthful and accurate or failing to specify their sources.

    Not more than 5 x the amount of advertising expenses.

    Publication of advertisements that (i) involve patented products or processes but fail to indicate patent numbers and classifications, (ii) that claim that unpatented products and process have been patented (iii) use patent applications pursuant to which no patents have been granted and (iv) use patents that have terminated, been canceled or are void.

    Not more than 5 x the amount of advertising expenses.

    Publication of advertisements that denigrate the merchandise or services of others.

    Not more than 5 x the amount of advertising expenses.

    Publication of advertisements for pharmaceuticals, medical apparatus, agrochemicals, food, alcoholic beverages or cosmetics that violate the special rules for such products.

    Not more than 5 x the amount of advertising expenses.

    Publication of tobacco advertisements in most types of media.

    Not more than 5 x the amount of advertising expenses.

    Publication of advertising for certain types of product for which approval is required without obtaining approval.

    Not more than 5 x the amount of advertising expenses.

    Provision of false supporting documents.

    Not more than RMB 100,000.

    Forgery, alteration or transfer of a written decision made upon examination of an advertisement.

    Not more than RMB 100,000.

    Media-specific rules

    Fines and other penalties may also be imposed by various administrative authorities pursuant to media-specific regulations, such as the 2001 Regulations for the Administration of Publishing, the 2000 Measures for the Administration of Printed Matter Advertising, the 2003 Provisional Measures for Administration of the Broadcast of Radio and Television Advertisements, the 2000 Measures for the Administration of Internet Information Services, the 2002 Provisional Regulations for the Administration of Online Publishing and the 1997 Measures for the Administration of the Protection of the Security of the International networking of Computer Information Networks.

    Advertisers who disagree with a fine or other penalty imposed by the AICs or other administrative authorities can apply to the administrative authorities for reconsideration or to the courts for judicial review.

    Civil liability

    When can an advertiser be sued? The Advertising Law provides that advertisers will be civilly liable when they publish false advertising and deceive consumers, thereby harming the lawful rights and interests of consumers that purchase the merchandise or accept services. They will also incur civil liability if they violate the Advertising Law by committing any of the following acts:

    • causing harm, in an advertisement, to the physical or mental health of minors or disabled persons;
    • passing off another personˇ¦s patent;
    • denigrating the merchandise or services of another producer or business operator;
    • using in an advertisement the name or portrait of another person without consent; or
    • committing other infringements of the lawful civil rights and interests of other persons.

    The Advertising Regulations and Implementing Rules more broadly provide that advertisers will be liable to pay compensation when they violate the Advertising Regulations and users and consumers suffer losses as a result. The Law of the People's Republic of China Concerning Protection of the Rights and Interests of Consumers (the "Consumer Protection Law") provides that a business will be liable to pay compensation if a consumer's lawful rights and interests are harmed by its use of false advertising in the provision of goods or services.

    Additionally, under the Unfair Competition Law a business can be sued by another business if it engages in "acts of unfair competition." One such act, as defined in the law, is the creation of misleadingly false publicity, through advertising or otherwise, in respect of the quality, manufacturing components, functions, uses, producer, period of validity, place origin, etc. of goods or services.

    Criminal liability

    Advertisers can also face criminal liability. Article 222 of the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China provides that advertisers who violate state regulations and use advertising to create false publicity concerning goods or services shall, if the circumstances are serious enough, be sentenced for a term of up to two years of fixed term imprisonment or criminal detention. Fines may also be imposed. If the crime is committed by a company and not by an individual, a fine will be imposed on the company and the persons in charge with direct responsibility will be subject to fixed term imprisonment or criminal detention for up to two years.

    Conclusion

    As can be seen, Chinese law contains numerous provisions on the types of advertising conduct that will result in liability. Sometimes, however, the provisions suffer from vagueness and it will not always be easy to determine whether a specific promotional strategy or technique will comply with the various rules. In doubtful cases, legal advice should be sought since advertising rules will be subject to both national and local considerations.

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    BANKING ON FOREIGN INVESTMENT: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS

     
    By Andreas Lauffs / Edith Chan, Baker & McKenzie
     
     

    Since China's accession to the World Trade Organization ("WTO"), foreign banks have been waiting patiently for the opportunity to participate more actively in Chinaˇ¦s banking industry. China's WTO commitments provided new possibilities for business development but rather than opening the floodgates, China has welcomed a steady influx of foreign banks.

    As of the end of October 2003, 191 business establishments had been set up in China by 62 foreign-funded banks from 19 countries and regions. Of these, 84 had obtained the authority to engage in Renminbi business. Though the stated objective of the China Banking Regulatory Commission (the "CBRC") is eventually to bring these institutions under the same regulatory regime as domestic banks, at present foreign-funded banks occupy a special position and are subject to specific foreign investment rules.

    Banks and finance companies

    Under Chinese law, foreign investors can invest in five types of foreign investment vehicle: (i) the wholly foreign-owned bank, (ii) the joint venture bank, (iii) the branch of a foreign bank, (iv) the wholly foreign-owned finance company and (v) the joint venture finance company (collectively "foreign-funded financial institutions" or "FFIs"). The main distinction between the banks and bank branches on one hand and the finance companies on the other hand is that the deposit-taking power of finance companies is severely restricted. Finance companies may take deposits of no less than RMB 1 million or the equivalent in a freely convertible currency for periods of no less than three months, whereas banks and bank branches have a general power to take deposits from the public. Also, banks and bank branches can provide letter of credit services, engage in foreign currency exchange, engage in bank card business and provide safe deposit box services, whereas finance companies cannot.

    The new legislation

    On December 27, 2003, China promulgated the Law of the People's Republic of China on the Regulation of the Banking Sector and amended the Law of the People's Republic of China on Commercial Banks and the Law of the People's Republic of China on the People's Bank of China. As discussed in Overhauling China's Banking System: The Regulatory Issues, the main purposes of this new legislation are to provide the legal basis for regulation by the CBRC and to move closer to Basel principles of prudential regulation. While the new legislation is important to FFIs because it establishes and sets out the powers and role of the regulator—the CBRC (see Overhauling China's Banking System: The Regulatory Issues), for FFIs the shift towards prudential regulation had begun earlier.

    WTO, Basel and foreign-funded financial institutions

    When joining the WTO, China promised that licensing criteria in the financial services sector would be solely prudential and there would be no economic needs test or quantitative limits on licenses. When securing this commitment, China's trading partners were not necessarily interested in increasing prudential regulation—they were more interested in getting rid of any economic needs tests or quotas for licenses. Nevertheless, China issued legislation almost immediately after WTO accession that moved closer to the prudential banking supervision principles advocated by the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision in its 1997 Core Principles for Effective Banking Supervision (the "Core Principles"): the Regulations of the People's Republic of China for the Administration of Foreign-Funded Financial Institutions (the "FFI Regulations") issued on December 20, 2001 and the Detailed Implementing Rules for the Foreign-Funded Financial Institutions (the "FFI Implementing Rules") issued on January 25, 2002.

    Under the FFI Regulations, applicants to establish an FFI must meet "prudential conditions" specified by the regulator (at that time the People's Bank of China, now the CBRC). A key goal of the Core Principles is to ensure that regulatory authorities have the power to impose prudential requirements administratively. The Basel Committee considered this a necessary precondition for any effective banking supervision system. The FFI Regulations also introduce the requirement that the regulatory authority in the applicant's country must approve the application to establish an FFI in China. This follows Principle 3 of the Core Principles.

    Apart from licensing, other ongoing regulatory requirements in the FFI were based on the Core Principles. The 8 percent capital adequacy ratio is based on the Basel Committee's 1988 Capital Accord, which is required to be applied for internationally active banks by Principle 6 of the Core Principles. The 25 percent cap on lending to a single borrower and its affiliates is based on Principle 9.1 The FFI Implementing Rules' provisions prohibiting preferential lending to related parties is based on Principle 10.

    Geographic restrictions on Renminbi business

    When joining the WTO, China promised to lift restrictions on business in the local currency—Renminbi—in stages over a number of years. On October 24, 2003, the CBRC issued Announcement No. 2 to meet China's commitment for further liberalization within the second year after accession. Announcement No. 2 provides that beginning from December 1, 2003, FFIs in Jinan, Fuzhou, Chengdu and Chongqing may apply to engage in Renminbi business. FFIs that have already been authorized to engage in Renminbi business may expand their Renminbi business area to include the said four cities. Also, FFIs may, upon approval from the CBRC, begin providing Renminbi services to Chinese enterprises in areas that have already been opened up to Renminbi business. On February 4, 2004, China granted approval for the Shanghai Branch offices of HSBC, Mizhuo Corporate Bank, Ltd., Citibank and the Bank of East Asia to provide Renminbi services to Chinese enterprises.

    Although the liberalization on Renminbi services is encouraging, foreign banks still face significant market access restrictions on banking services not least the prohibition on providing Renminbi services to Chinese individuals, which is not expected to be permitted until 2006.

     

    1 See Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, Core Principles Methodology (1999), "Additional Criteria" to Principle 9 on p.24 (available at http://www.bis.org/publ/bcbs61.htm).


     
    Foreign investment in Chinese financial institutions

    One of the components of China's plan to reform the Chinese banking system is to permit a certain amount of foreign investment in Chinese financial institutions. The Chinese authorities believe that the introduction of foreign capital will have a positive impact on capital conditions in Chinese banks and will help raise management standards. While China has approved such investment previously on a case-by-case basis, China has now decided to formalize the rules and procedures governing such investment. The CBRC, accordingly, issued the Measures for the Administration of Investment and Acquisition of Equity in Wholly Chinese-Owned Financial Institutions by Foreign Financial Institutions (the "Equity Acquisition Measures") on December 8, 2003. They came into force on December 31, 2003.

    The Equity Acquisition Measures permit international financial institutions (such as the World Bank and other intergovernmental development banks) and foreign financial institutions to acquire equity in wholly Chinese-owned financial institutions. "Foreign financial institutions" are defined to mean financial holding companies, commercial banks, securities companies, insurance companies and funds registered and established in foreign countries as well as other foreign financial institutions recognized by the CBRC.

    Permitted targets are wholly Chinese-owned commercial banks, municipal credit unions, rural credit unions, trust and investment companies, enterprise group financial companies, financial leasing companies and other wholly Chinese-owned financial institutions the establishment of which has been approved by the CBRC.

    A single investor may not acquire equity of more than 20 percent in a Chinese financial institution.

    If foreign investors together acquire 25 percent or more of an unlisted financial institution's total equity, the financial institution will be treated as a foreign-funded financial institution, presumably with the corresponding tax benefits and restrictions on types of permitted business. However, if foreign investors acquire more than 25 percent of the total equity in a listed financial institution, the financial institution will continue to be treated as a wholly Chineseowned financial institution.

    In order to qualify to invest, the foreign investor's total assets at the end of the preceding year must, in principle, have been at least:

  • US$ 10 billion if the target is a commercial bank;
  • US$ 1 billion if the target is a municipal or rural credit union;
  • US$ 1 billion if the target is a nonbank financial institution.
  • The investor must have shown profits in the preceding two accounting years. The capital adequacy ratio of a commercial bank must be at least 8 percent. The total capital of a nonbank financial institution must not be less than 10 percent of its total risk-weighted assets. The investor must also have received a good long-term credit rating for the previous two years from an international rating agency recognized by the CBRC.

    Conclusion

    The recent measures heralding greater market access must be viewed as part of a long- term strategy for foreign banks in the Chinese market. The increase in foreign ownership limits and the expansion in the scope of permitted business activities are attempts by China to fulfill its WTO obligations and for the CBRC to introduce a more attractive operating environment for foreign banks. The banking regulator is aware that foreign banks will bring much needed financial expertise to the industry, which can help to improve the performance of China's domestic banks and providing adequate funding for China's growing economic needs.

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    Important Notice:

    While every effort is taken to ensure the accuracy of the data within this publication, the publishers cannot be held liable for any errors or inaccuracies or for any actions taken on the basis of the information provided herein.

    Reproduction and transmission in any form without prior permission is prohibited.

     

    @2003 ASIA INFORMATION ASSOCIATES LIMITED. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED



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